The McDonald Papers, Part II, Chapter 6: Mosier's Fight with Refugees

Macdonald, John MacLean. Mosier's Fight with Refugees. In The McDonald Papers, Part II, Chapter 6, Publications of the WCHS, Vol. V. 1926-27.

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MOSIER'S FIGHT WITH THE REFUGEES ON DEEMBER 2nd, 1781

BY OTTO HUFELAND

A PAPER READ NEAR THE SCENE OF THE SKIRMISH AT RYE, ON THE OCCASION OF A PILGRIMAGE OF THE WESTCHESTER COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY ON MAY 28TH, 1927

A FEW EXPLANATORY NOTES HAVE BEEN ADDED

As much of the data on which this paper is based came from the interviews recorded in the McDonald manuscripts, its inclusion in their papers seems justified. The fight took place on the former Brundage Farm1 on the south side of Harrison Avenue just east of Blind Brook. As the present occupants of the land declined to permit access to the ground, the paper was read from a spot overlooking the battlefield on the opposite side of the Avenue. This accounts for some of the references to locations made in it. On the hill opposite, one of the most interesting skirmishes of the Revolution took place. It had a national, even a world-wide interest, but to us in Westchester County it has the additional importance of showing that our farmers, in the

1 Silas Brundage, son of the then owner, says he was "born and brought up on the farm where the fight occurred" and describes the location as "Immediately west of the field of action you descend a hill." As this is the only "hill" on the farm and is just south of Harrison Avenue along which the Refugees rode, this description fixes the location quite definitely. Interview with McDonald, October 30th 1848.

It had a national, even a world-wide interest, but to us in Westchester County it has the additional importance of showing that our farmers, in the

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five years of war which preceded this affair, had learned to fight, so that they became more than a match, even for the British horsemen, from whom they would have fled in panic when that war began. On this occasion the British came on one of the many similar raids that so nearly depopulated our county, but the fight that resulted was of an unusual kind and it had an unexpected ending for the band of cowboys, who rode all the night only to return crestfallen and empty handed to their camp twenty miles below, in the morning. But to understand the fight some explanation is necessary. First let us get the lay of the land on which the parties met and then examine the conditions under which the pursuit and final fight took place. To the east, where the road here before us crossed the one that goes to Purchase, were "Merritts Corners" around which was gathered a small settlement of farm houses. The fine road over which we came was then a farm lane, none too straight, that ran east from "The Corners," passing Colonel Thomas' house 1 about half a mile to the right of us, then crossed Blind Brook where his mill stood a few hundred feet from here--and continued on to King Street, then and now an important highway.

To the east, where the road here before us crossed the one that goes to Purchase, were "Merritts Corners" around which was gathered a small settlement of farm houses. The fine road over which we came was then a farm lane, none too straight, that ran east from "The Corners," passing Colonel Thomas' house 1 about half a mile to the right of us, then crossed Blind Brook where his mill stood a few hundred feet from here--and continued on to King Street, then and now an important highway. Rail fences lined both sides of the lane to keep in the cattle, while the stones, after-ward gathered into fences, lay thickly scattered over half-tilled corn and grazing fields. Farms and farming conditions were primitive then; the daily life of the people who occupied the farms was simple and they knew but few social distinctions, although negro slavery existed. The slaves they owned were more like free family servants and took part in most of the affairs and duties of their masters, --so that when fighting

1 Erskine, who was "Geographer" to Washington's army, in a map dated 1778-9, shows three Thomas' Houses in this vicinity. That of Judge John Thomas, who was taken prisoner in March 1777 and died and was buried in New York a few months later, on King Street a mile or so north of the present Harrison Avenue; that of Colonel Thomas Thomas of the 2nd Westchester Militia on Harrison Avenue with his mill close by at Blind Brook and another of the "Widow Thomas" about a quarter of a mile north of the latter in the fields, probably near the still existing Thomas Cemetery.

That of Judge John Thomas, who was taken prisoner in March 1777 and died and was buried in New York a few months later, on King Street a mile or so north of the present Harrison Avenue; that of Colonel Thomas Thomas of the 2nd Westchester Militia on Harrison Avenue with his mill close by at Blind Brook and another of the "Widow Thomas" about a quarter of a mile north of the latter in the fields, probably near the still existing Thomas Cemetery.

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began, many of them enlisted in the army and did good service for the cause. Although Yorktown had surrendered six weeks before and the war was generally believed to be at an end, Washington took no risks and to guard against a rapid movement of Sir Henry Clinton, who was in New York, to gain control of the Hudson, he kept most of the regular Continental soldiers then in the North on duty along the river, while the territory be-tween it and Long Island Sound was guarded by small bodies of militia, too far apart to offer each other assistance in time of need. Such an outpost had been established at Merritts Corners under Captain Richard Sackett of Colonel Thomas' regiment, with William Mosier, a stone mason by trade as his lieutenant and a company of about thirty men,1 consisting of two former British sergeants who had joined the patriot side, four colored men-at least two of whom were slaves-two Indians from Long Island and a mixed collection of white men, mainly farmers and laborers from other parts of the county, who together were supposed to protect a rather indefinite territory in this vicinity.

Such an outpost had been established at Merritts Corners under Captain Richard Sackett of Colonel Thomas' regiment, with William Mosier, a stone mason by trade as his lieutenant and a company of about thirty men,1 consisting of two former British sergeants who had joined the patriot side, four colored men-at least two of whom were slaves-two Indians from Long Island and a mixed collection of white men, mainly farmers and laborers from other parts of the county, who together were supposed to protect a rather indefinite territory in this vicinity.

1 In interviews with McDonald on October 30, 1845, October 12, 1846 and October 19, 1847, John Patterson, an active participant in the fight gave the following partial list of the men of Sackett's command from recollection: Captain Richard Sackett, taken prisoner Lieutenant William Mosier Sergeant James Croft David Slater } former British sergeants David Jones } Henry Christian Godfrey Voight John Patterson } colored Prince Sackett } Peter Sokaday } Indians from Long Island Mayhew } James Nearing William Campbell James Tuttle Abel or Abraham Williams James Sackett, brother of Captain, taken prisoner

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It was early on Sunday morning, December 2nd, 1781, while Sackett was being shaved by a lad from the neighbor-hood, that a body of Refugees appeared so suddenly that the surprised captain did not have time to wipe the lather from his face, before they took him and his brother James prisoners.1 Mosier with most of the company was encamped in a field south of the lane, a little more to the east and seeing the British coming ran with his men through the fields, the mounted Refugees on his left being compelled to remain in the lane by the high rail fences. The parties were about a quarter of a mile apart and within sight of each other most of the time. The pursuit continued in this way until the enemy succeeded in knocking down some of the fence rails, which permitted them to enter the fields. By this time Mosier, with twenty-six of his men, had reached the top of the hill here before us, where, ordering them to "fix bayonets," he formed them into a solid square or circle, with himself in the centre. Together with the two sergeants he at the same _________

Sylvanus Ferris Asa Jones Daniel Loder Shubal Cunningham Two colored men, names not remembered Lieutenant Mosier, like the men, carried a musket and bayonet. The following death notice appeared in the "Westchester Herald" of December 17th, 1850. "Died in Peekskill, October 2nd last, John Peterson (colored), Revolutionary Pensioner, aged 103 years." This was the "Patterson" of our story. According to this he was 34 years old at the time of the Rye skirmish. His name is spelled in various ways in different accounts. Probably because he could not write. The company was raised shortly before for six months service. Only a few of these names appear on the roster of Colonel Thomas' regiment, published by the State of New York, but many of them including the officers had served at various times in other regiments raised in West-chester and the adjacent counties. 1 This happened in Josiah Fowler's tavern on Purchase Street near the cross-roads.

His name is spelled in various ways in different accounts. Probably because he could not write. The company was raised shortly before for six months service. Only a few of these names appear on the roster of Colonel Thomas' regiment, published by the State of New York, but many of them including the officers had served at various times in other regiments raised in West-chester and the adjacent counties. 1 This happened in Josiah Fowler's tavern on Purchase Street near the cross-roads. Interview with John Carpenter, son of the quartermaster of Thomas' regiment, October 23, 1844.

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time explained to them that their only chance of safety lay in keeping close together, strictly obeying orders and above all impressed on them not to fire their guns until told to. Here, herded together, with loaded guns and lowered bayonets, they awaited the British charge. The attacking column consisted of about forty-five mounted Refugees, nearly every one of them a native of Westchester County and personally known to many of their opponents. They were a motley collection of Tories, held together by hope of plunder, rather than any affection for the British, who neither acknowledged them as part of their regular army, nor paid or provisioned them. Their existence depended entirely upon marauding and the plunder they took furnished them with food, clothing and horses. They had ridden up from their camp in what is now known as Mott Haven and were part of a body of irregulars who were justly feared, because they knew every lane and by-way and were in constant communication with local Tory friends who kept them in-formed of every movement of the Americans. The officers accompanying this detachment were Colonel James HolmesI of Bedford, who at the beginning of the Revolution, com-manded an American regiment and Captain Samuel Kipp who came from North Castle.

They had ridden up from their camp in what is now known as Mott Haven and were part of a body of irregulars who were justly feared, because they knew every lane and by-way and were in constant communication with local Tory friends who kept them in-formed of every movement of the Americans. The officers accompanying this detachment were Colonel James HolmesI of Bedford, who at the beginning of the Revolution, com-manded an American regiment and Captain Samuel Kipp who came from North Castle. All of the troop were armed with the long heavy, sharpened cavalry sabres of the period, while the officers and probably many of the rank and file carried heavy but not very effective pistols. As the British dashed up to the compact body of Americans

I James Holmes of Bedford was colonel of the 4th New York Regiment of Continental troops early in the war. He resigned from the American army in December 1775. His attachment to the American cause was never considered sincere and he later accepted a commission in the notorious Refugee Corps. For reasons not clear he placed himself in the power of Governor George Clinton in 1778 and was sent to prison from which he escaped only to be recaptured and escape again. Judging from interviews with some of his townspeople of Bedford, his reputation during and after the war was none of the best. In fact he is accused by some of his neighbors of having served as a volunteer in the raid in which Bedford Village was partly burned in 1779.

For reasons not clear he placed himself in the power of Governor George Clinton in 1778 and was sent to prison from which he escaped only to be recaptured and escape again. Judging from interviews with some of his townspeople of Bedford, his reputation during and after the war was none of the best. In fact he is accused by some of his neighbors of having served as a volunteer in the raid in which Bedford Village was partly burned in 1779.

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on this hill, the latter lunged at them with their bayonets, pricking the horses, which reared and threw the attacking party into some confusion, so that it retreated out of reach. This first success encouraged the Americans. When a second attempt was made, the enemy found a still firmer line and were compelled to drop back even quicker than before; one of their number, Strang by name, fired his pistol in anger, for which he was instantly shot dead by a sharp order from Mosier. This quick retribution had its effect on both sides; it steadied the Americans and gave notice to the Refugees that they had a serious fight on their hands. After consultation among themselves, they tried argument and a parley began, in which the words exchanged were almost as hard as bullets if contemporary accounts are to be believed. Holmes and Kipp promised quarter to the Americans if they surrendered, but the answer returned was probably irritating, for Holmes drew his pistol and pointed it at Mosier, who at once gave a command that meant certain death to the Colonel and the pistol was dropped, while Kipp satisfied his anger and dis-appointment by abusing some of the privates whom he recognized, particularly a colored man, who shortly before, had been a prisoner under him at Morrisania.

Holmes and Kipp promised quarter to the Americans if they surrendered, but the answer returned was probably irritating, for Holmes drew his pistol and pointed it at Mosier, who at once gave a command that meant certain death to the Colonel and the pistol was dropped, while Kipp satisfied his anger and dis-appointment by abusing some of the privates whom he recognized, particularly a colored man, who shortly before, had been a prisoner under him at Morrisania. When he called him a "black rascal," John Patterson rushed out from his place in the square and thrust his bayonet into the captain's hip, dodging his furious sword cut and getting back to his place in safety, only to be sharply reprimanded by his own officer.--It was said that the captain's seat in the saddle was painful for some time. Finding argument unprofitable, the British made two or three more efforts to break up the small but immovable body opposed to them, but found it more and more difficult to approach. After spending more than an hour in a fruitless endeavor to make an impression on the much smaller body of Americans they turned about and sullenly rode away. The accounts brought down to us of the ending of this affair differ. Some claim that after a number of assaults by the enemy, the Americans fired a volley that threw the British into confusion, during which the former escaped.

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None of the local accounts however mention any such firing and simply say that the British withdrew. A volley from twenty six guns at short range would certainly have killed and wounded many of the attacking party, but no such record appears. These accounts say that the body of Strang was taken to one of the nearby farm houses1 and was sent for by the British under a flag of truce the next day. It is the only casualty mentioned by them. All sides agree that the Americans did not lose a man. It may not be clear to you why two fully armed bodies of soldiers should parley instead of fight. But a study of condi-tions makes it plain that both sides would have suffered severely if the arbitrament of arms had been finally re-sorted to. Even if we admit that both parties were equally well armed--and it is more than doubtful that this was true of the Americans--a fight would have resulted in much bloodshed on both sides and probably the annihilation of the American force in the end. The latter were armed with flint lock guns from which they could fire not more than one shot without reloading. To reload it was necessary to open the pan under the flint, pour in some powder and then close it, pour a full charge into the muzzle of the gun, place a wad and a ball over it and ram the latter home with a ramrod. Taken together, this was an almost impossible proceeding while fleeing through the fields from a mounted enemy. And it was particularly difficult when a bayonet encumbered the muzzle of the gun. If the Americans had fired their one shot from open ranks upon the first charge of the cavalry, it would have emptied a few saddles, but the rest would have ridden down the fleeing infantry and dispatched them separately with their sabres without quarter, just as they did in the battle with the Stock-bridge Indians on Woodlawn Heights three years before,

And it was particularly difficult when a bayonet encumbered the muzzle of the gun. If the Americans had fired their one shot from open ranks upon the first charge of the cavalry, it would have emptied a few saddles, but the rest would have ridden down the fleeing infantry and dispatched them separately with their sabres without quarter, just as they did in the battle with the Stock-bridge Indians on Woodlawn Heights three years before,

1 Sylvanus Strang's body was placed across a horse by the Refugees and taken to Josiah Fowlers, kept there and a flag of truce sent up for his body. Interview with Jeremiah Anderson of the Anderson House, used as General Sterling's headquarters. December 1st, 1848.

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where thirty-seven Indians were slaughtered and only one of Tarleton's troops was wounded. If however, the British had tried to ride down Mosier's party when in solid formation, some of them and many of their horses would have been made "hors du combat" by the bayonets and the separated remainder would have faced twenty or more determined men with loaded guns and the same ready bayonets in their hands. William Mosier had the instinct of a true soldier with a soldier's daring and a brave man's courage; his quick mind saw this difference and he promptly made use of the only possible means to save his command from a catastrophe. While the use of a compact formation of infantry with bayonets, in a defense against an attack by cavalry, became common in later wars, it was new then. At a time when the whole world was at war and studying methods of warfare and both the infantry and cavalry arms had strong partizans defending their respective merits, the news of this skirmish was received with astonishment in Europe.

William Mosier had the instinct of a true soldier with a soldier's daring and a brave man's courage; his quick mind saw this difference and he promptly made use of the only possible means to save his command from a catastrophe. While the use of a compact formation of infantry with bayonets, in a defense against an attack by cavalry, became common in later wars, it was new then. At a time when the whole world was at war and studying methods of warfare and both the infantry and cavalry arms had strong partizans defending their respective merits, the news of this skirmish was received with astonishment in Europe. Washington often referred to it and expressed his admiration for the skill and courage of the American officer who commanded here. In a strictly technical, military sense, this skirmish was the most important fight of the whole war. It also illustrated an American trait--a quick perception of a difficulty and a prompt and practical remedy--and both were put to good use in a just cause on the hill opposite.

At a time when the whole world was at war and studying methods of warfare and both the infantry and cavalry arms had strong partizans defending their respective merits, the news of this skirmish was received with astonishment in Europe. Washington often referred to it and expressed his admiration for the skill and courage of the American officer who commanded here. In a strictly technical, military sense, this skirmish was the most important fight of the whole war. It also illustrated an American trait--a quick perception of a difficulty and a prompt and practical remedy--and both were put to good use in a just cause on the hill opposite.

Washington often referred to it and expressed his admiration for the skill and courage of the American officer who commanded here. In a strictly technical, military sense, this skirmish was the most important fight of the whole war. It also illustrated an American trait--a quick perception of a difficulty and a prompt and practical remedy--and both were put to good use in a just cause on the hill opposite.